The fate of the Australian Democrats in the upcoming election

The Democrats, formerly the party that kept the bastards honest has unfortunately dissolved into a very sad little group. At the upcoming elections they look like they will be decimated.

Over at The Age Tim Colebach has an article outlining their probable fate and the consequences of the end of the Democrats and the rise of the Greens.

It looks pretty grim for the Democrats and it is very sad to see the party dissolve this way. This isn't even a whimper, it was a crash. Between Stott Despoja's failed leadership and drunken incidents the Democrats have gone from a healthy influence to a sad joke.

Colebach talks about what will happen to the Greens should they actually have to help a Labor government rather than just spoil. He writes:

The Greens too would change if the balance of power fell their way. In Germany, power for the Greens led to sharp divisions between "fundis" and "realos" (fundamentalists and realists) before the realos emerged victorious. The German Greens have sent peacekeepers to Iraq and pushed through market-oriented economic reforms as well as environmental ones.

Hopefully this will be the case, but unfortunately the Greens may take a long time to get to this point and could potentially damage a Labour government in the process. It should also be noted that there is a substantial difference in the way that the German Greens and the SDP government interact in that the Greens are actually PART of the government. Unless labour were to do the same the Greens could well continue to pretty much oppose everything.

Indeed, perhaps a similar problem has been the route cause of the Democrats woes. The Democrats were never in government unlike their more or less German equivalent the FDP (the Free Democrats). It was a tragedy when Cheryl Kernot left and her career in the ALP failed. If she had been able to become a minister in the government while retaining her membership of the Democrats then the Democrats may not have veered as sharply left as they did.

Perhaps the Progressive Aliance will come and replace the Democrats, but it's hard to imagine.
cam: Lower Houses and Coalitions: The parties of review (Democrats and Greens) haven't had much penetration into the House of Representatives or Legislative Assemblies. I cant recall a Democrat getting in to a lower house at the federal or state level. I always thought that it would be the Democrats that would eventually challenge Liberal and Labor as the two entrenched parties. Like you mentioned, Kernot might have been the start of that, but she jumped ship.

Do you think Labor will enter a coalition with the Greens should the Greens get enough seats in the house of reps. If it is just the Senate that the Green hold the balance of power in, I dont see Labor entering a formal coalition, but rather a deal of convenience to both.

It is sad to see the Democrats this way, IIRC most of my senate voting was for the Democrats. I thought they occupied an essential role in keeping the Senate a house of review.

cam
siento: No: To be honest, I think the Liberals will win. Failing that the ALP will do deals with both the Liberals and the Greens. The majors will avoid making a deal with the minor parties. If they do, it will mean really accepting them. The ALP in the 80s and 90s could have done a deal with the Democrats to form a coalition but they resisted.

Do you really think the Greens are a party of review? They seem to be more of a solidly left wing party that is out to shift things their way.
cam: Senate: The ALP in the 80s and 90s could have done a deal with the Democrats to form a coalition but they resisted.

Good point.

Do you really think the Greens are a party of review?

Since Don Chip and the Democrats, the Senate has become a house of review rather than a rubber stamp for the government of the day. The Greens are a part of that today, and it looks like into the future. Even if they are a left wing party, it means there is one more level of review for legislation after it leaves the Executive Cabinet.

Party discipline has ruined the Senate as the house for the states, so having third parties in the Senate with significant numbers is a good thing, no matter what their agenda. That way, at least legislation will get revisited and maybe even have to be made more palatable to a wider part of the community than just the government in power.

cam
Scrymarch: Democrats and international parties: Weighing in a bit late here I guess.

Poll Bludger mentioned some Morgan polling that suggested the Democrats might not be quite dead yet.

The FDP certainly has similarities to the Democrats but the differences are pretty striking too. The FDP had roots in the Weimar republic and are essentially a small-l liberal with all that implies for economic policy. In coalition with Willy Brandt's SDP, they argued for budget austerity. I'm far from an expert on German politics, but I can't see the FDP campaigning against privatisation.

Philosophically I think they're closer to the British Liberal Democrats, which was a merger of the rump of the old Liberal Party (of Asquith, Gladstone etc) and the Social Democratic party (the anti-communist left). They're more socially liberal than economically, they are middle class small c-conservatives running against the tide of liberal economic reform, with middle class idealism and a tendency towards wishful thinking as to government spending.

The electoral picture is starkly different however. In the UK the Lib Dems are a party of local government, controlling a majority on many councils around the country, holding a useful minority of seats in the House of Commons, and seats in European Parliament. The Commons seemed quite remarkable to me given the first past the post nature of British elections (EU elections are PR though). However Canada has a similar system and it seems to maintain a single major party and a spectrum of opposition.

The people who vote FDP, Lib Dem and Democrat do have a lot of similarities. The FDP's traditional base is Protestant professionals, particularly in the north. These contast with the more socially conservative approach of their often coalition partners the Christian Democrats. Similarly the Lib Dems and the Democrats have a base of the socially concerned middle class, "doctor's wives" as the epithet of the day has it, or what I personally think of as the librarian vote.

I think the instinct of most parties would be only to form a coalition when forced. The FDP and the Lib Dems both have more significant blocks of seats in the primary house of parliament than the Democrats ever had. Kernot could have made them the kingmakers of Aussie politics but instead she shot them in the foot. The Democrats at their height had a combination of the civic conservative vote and the angry bugger mainstream politicians vote. I fear the Greens capture the second more effectively. This was made painfully obvious as the former anarchist Andrew Bartlett berated Bob Brown et al for disrupting GW Bush's speech.

If there was an Australian FDP, I would vote for them or even join them. The rabble rousing and economic illiteracy of the Greens doesn't appeal to me. The Telstra nationalisation stance of the Democrats already annoyed me. Once again Australia is left without anyone for a philosophical liberal to vote for.

State Level Innovation

Australia has the issue of Labor Governments at the state level having been in power too long and atrophying policy wise. Democratically Australians have a habit of voting in managerialist executives. The idealists are few and far between and for the most part we reward buying votes than good governance until the stink becomes too obvious that it cannot be ignored. This was true of Howard and it was true of Hawke/Keating before him.

The state Labor Governments have been fortunate in having uncompetitive Liberal opponents to run against, or in the case of Queensland a divided conservative opposition. There is no way that the Iemma Government would have survived the last election if the Liberals had even a reasonable leader and senior group of politicians. With the demise of the Howard Government at the national level it has meant that Australian governance is dominated by old, atrophying and on the nose Labor governments.

The Rudd government is new to executive power and will probably be weak until they win a second election so governance at the national and federal levels will be timid until either a Liberal government comes in with starry eyed policies or the Rudd government asserts the ongoing expansion of national power over weak and unpopular state governments.

Gary Sauer-Thompson argues that poor planning because of the pursuit of neo-liberal policies. The Liberal Party has a deal to answer for here too. They should be in power in NSW for certain if they were anyway halfway decent as a democratic option. I am old enough to remember Nick Greiner and to think his governance was good. The Liberals are making it way too hard for themselves at the state level.

Double Dissolution Elections

Matthew Yglesias is arguing that the double dissolution election is a good institution as it cleans out the upper house from minority obstructionism to enable the executive - in the lower house in Australia - to continue with its legislative agenda unobstructed.

Recent history in Australia tells us this is a bad thing. The 'minority obstructionism' has been an important check on the executive in Australian politics for the last 25 years. Mainly with the Democrats running as obstructionists.

The double dissolution election has also been a mechanism for the executive and major parties to remain in power by gaming the electorate and picking the time they want to call an election when everything is in their favor. It is no wonder that many Australian political commentators want fixed term elections - like the American system has.

Yglesias' political philosophy is for a more powerful executive than the Washington system allows. He sees the upper house as an impediment to the agenda of the executive. Many of the experiences of the Australian system where the parliament is unicameral point the other way. A bicameral structure is an important check and balance on the executive and executive power.

Malcolm Turnbull Retiring From Australian Politics

Malcolm Turnbull is retiring from Australian politics. He need not have done it. Opposition leadership is more about patience and the willingness to be ousted as leader and then become opposition leader again. Prior to Howard being Prime Minister, he, Peacock and Hewson swapped the opposition leadership back and forth. Howard was in the right place at the right time when Labor finally fell out of favor.

It was the same when Labor was in opposition, a couple of politicians swapped the leadership position until Rudd gazumped them at the post when Howard's government was finally too far on the nose and too arrogant for redemption. Rudd pipping the leadership at the last moment was much like Hawke's rise to the Prime Ministership.

Abbot will be Liberal leader for a while, but the nature of opposition leadership is turbulent as it does not have the protection of being Prime Minister and the prestige of the executive. Abbot will most likely go through about five other leadership challenges and changes. Whoever hangs on like lazarus - as Howard did - or Beazley nearly did, will be the one that claims the Prime Minister position when the Rudd government becomes repulsive to the electorate.

It is a shame that Turnbull was unable to make his way in the political arena. He largely came to prominence as politically active during the republic referendum. He is also a social liberal in a party that is becoming increasingly conservative and myopically nationalistic. Australian party politics are difficult for the modern Deakin style liberal which Turnbull seemed to represent. I doubt there was ever a place for that style of politician anyway in the strict discipline of the Australian parties.
adam: Shame to see him go. There is little appeal to me in the Liberal party now its liberal wing has been shafted. I think he moved too soon myself, but the rest of the party was clearly not interested in being elected. Climate change deniers. FFS.

It's Turnbull though :)
cam: doh.

Checks and Balances On Parliament Through A Separate Executive

Gary Sauer-Thompson looks at the recent comments by Tony Abbott where he admits he will say anything to get himself out of a bad situation in an interview. The wider issue is checks and balances on politicians saying whatever they like. Gary argues that the deeper issue is that it is more difficult to check these political behaviours through the ballot box, hence greater checks and balances in the political system are necessary;

Checks and balances on executive dominance would be a good start by giving greater power to the committee system in both houses of Parliament. Proportional representation for the House of Representatives, along the lines of the Hare-Clarke system, would be another place to start. This would ensure that we citizens have a choice about who to vote for and against within all political parties.

The Hare-Clark system came out of Tasmania, which in my opinion, has one of the more innovative electoral systems in Australia. I can recall looking at the effect of the Robson Rotation and it seemed to indicate that its introduction reduced incumbency.

Another alternative in the Parliamentary system is to separate the Executive from the House of Representatives or the Assemblies and have a Governor or President. This fits the doctrine of separation of powers in the same manner that the Washington System has and the US States do.

It is not a perfect system, but it is preferable to the parliamentary system where the executive carries out the laws and legislates the same laws they execute.

The downside of this is that the House Of Representatives will have to do policy and here the US Congress has not been the greatest, but then again, Congress has had to deal with large tent parties that are highly factional rather than the absolute discipline the Australian parties have.

However the Washington System is an improvement over Westminster and Australia should start innovating constitutionally at the state level if not the Federal one.
Sacha: That'd be interesting to see - but I very much doubt it would happen. Mind you, referendums probably wouldn't be needed (possibly except in Qld - unsure there), the state parliaments could amend their constitution acts.

You'd have to make a very good case for change, satisfy all the questions about how it could work and how any problems could be resolved, and prepare to run an experiment for a couple of years.

Strong party discipline would also play a big role - it's plausible the parliament could play little role if the Premier's party had a majority in it, and it could be obstructive if the Premier's party didn't hold a majority.

There are interesting issues but of course they could be dealt with.
Andrew Bartlet on privacy; "In an era of YouTube, instant Twittering and the like, where every phone is a camera, voice and video recorder, all of us have to accept that privacy isn't what it used to be, and the more of a public figure you are, the more you have to lose if you just happen to be one of the unlucky ones who end up in the glare of a public spotlight. But that doesn't make it any more justified for the mainstream media to be joining the fray as peddlers of tabloid trash and perpetrators of prurient and egregious breaches of privacy."
Wow, Rudd out. Gillard in. Australia's first female prime minister for what it is worth.

Making Sense Of The 2010 Australian National Election

So how to make sense of the recent elections. It looks like the swing against Labor, while higher than normal, isn't particularly high against a first time incumbent government.

It also appears that most voters chose the Greens rather than Coalition when deserting Labor as well giving the Greens their first seat in the House of Representatives and a strong showing in the Senate. I wonder how much not having to compete with the Australian Democrats account for that as well.

Additionally informal voting seems a little high. According to Wiki it is about 5% normally. Australia doesn't have compulsory voting, it has compulsory handing in a ballot. You can do to the ballot whatever you like. An empty ballot is valid, as is a partially filled out one. It is a form of protest voting.

There appears to be a lot of hand ringing by pundits willing to tell the world what this means. Additionally the drama of a minority government is right up their alley. They will be able to ascribe all manner of narratives and story to it. Mark Bahnisch writes:

The truth of this election is that both the Howard era cultural hegemony and Labor's state model of populist electoralism have failed their architects - majority politics has broken down.

Broken down enough that one of the major parties is going to have to do a deal with the independents as a block to get through their supply bills. Australian states with their innovative forms of preference and proportional voting have had to deal with coalition and minority governments before. It would not necessarily be a bad thing if the national government has to get used to this style of governance as well. Assuming Fielding isn't the independent of course.

More John Barrdear has a good run down and more links.
John Barrdear: Shameless plug: In addition to the entry you link to on my site, I've also got another (much longer) entry listing all the main events leading to Labor's abysmal showing.

Informal Votes In the Swing Against Labor

Using the data on John Barrdear's post showing the pick up by the Coalition, Greens and Informal vote, I must admit to being shocked at how many informal votes there were. Nearly 30% of the swing against Labor was people putting in blank or defaced ballots.

pie chart of swing against labor in 2010 election

Three times as many voted informally over those that swung to the Coalition. The informal vote was also half of the pick up the Greens had. This suggests that a significant part of the swinging vote saw no value in any political party; major or minor, during this election, and voted in the only way the Australian system allows to register that opinion.

Informal Voting In The 2010 Australian National Election

Via Adam, Stubborn Mule has a further break down of the informal vote increase by state. It ranges from 0.95% in Western Australia to 2.42% in the ACT. The most populous states, NSW, Victoria and Queensland all registered around 2% or more increases. Stubborn Mule writes:

It is hard to escape the conclusion that the increase in informal votes reflects a protest vote arising from deep voter dissatisfaction with both major parties.

As Adam notes, there are a lot of parties in Australia. One of the things when faced with a ballot sheet is the number of parties and candidates that have to be ticked off and ranked as part of the preference system. So you become fully aware of the Greys, Greens, Guns, etc.

The US is not the same. It has a very strong duality, whether it is because the US allows for less strict party line voting - though that is changing at the national level with the Republicans - or because of some historical aspect to the American electoral system. Many towns and cities have made their elections non-political by banning the mention of political parties as a way around the duality. Between the advertising and the nature of the signs you can usually tell whether they are Republican, Democrat or Independent.

To the original issue; how do you explain the increase in informal voting this election which made up nearly 30% of the swing against the incumbents. There is plenty of party choice if you don't want to vote for the major parties and you can rank Labor and Liberal last if you want. Additionally there is choice within the Coalition too if you want to vote for a conservative viewpoint.

Is it disgust at the major parties, disgust with national politics, or disgust with Australian politics? The Australian political entity, which includes politicians and the media, probably need to be aware that breaking cultural norms like this, with increases in informal voting, often don't go back. Once the culture is broken (ie the experiment with picking kids up after school in Israel), it reaches a new equilibrium.
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