Bryan has a new political test up that he is seeking beta testers for . It tests to see how closely your beliefs on political issues align with the political parties.

These were my results . Seemed fairly accurate to me, or at least my perception of my political alignment. I am pretty much disenfranchised by all political parties, but that tends to happen when you face each issue on its merits rather than following dogma, credo or rote doctrine.

In party preference, Andrew Bartlett would be happy;

• One Nation 49.5%
• Family First 43.7%
• National Party 53.5%
• Liberal Party 51.2%
• Labor Party 59.8%
• Australian Democrats 64.3%
• The Greens 52.6%

But as the test noted, none are above 65% which suggests I have no strong alignment, or preference for any party.

In political outlook I come out centre-left. In economic policy it was centre, as was social policy, and traditional values were left. Bryan has used the left/right spectrum as progressive vs conservative. So a left lean in traditional values signifies a belief that the state should not be involved in enforcing morals etc.

Good test.

cam

Bryan Palmer has an article on ozpolitics that what is deemed constitutional is ultimately in the hands of the Judicial and not legislative fiat. The High Court under the doctrine of separation of powers is the highest authority to interpret the Australian constitution. But our Westminster style of constitutional law makes government complex and unknowable from the citizen's point of view. It is a fair expectation, in my opinion, that a constitutional system can be read explicitly by a citizen to understand the limits of their government.

Overreach

I recently made a quick comment on Polemica about the report from the Department of Education on establishing an Australian Certificate of Education. In that comment I pointed out that Part V of the Australian Constitution contains no explicit language on education.

While I think an Australian Certificate of Education is a good example of rampant anti-federalism; demanding compliance from the states, without explicit authority, and most likely without funding; there is warning in there for the constitution to move so far from its concrete bounds that it isn't easily understandable.

The constitution acts as the citizens contract with government. It places distinct limits on the actions of the executive, legislative, judicial and government. If the weight of legislation that has been judged by the high court is sufficiently outside of an explicit reading of the constitution it becomes not readily knowable to the citizenry.

Government evolves into an arcane area of complexity and specialisation beyond the general understanding of the citizenry. Since government is drawn from the people, this is a barrier to civic participation and understanding.

In analogy to the principle of make enough laws and everyone is a criminal; a poorly written constitution that is not explicit, will ultimately result in nearly everything being constitutional.

If a citizen is trying to understand whether education is a valid area of federal authority, then they will look to the constitution for that word. I think it is fair that they would expect to find it.

Judicial Doctrines

It does not help that differing doctrines have been followed by the Australian High Court since its inception. From Samuel Griffiths' highly states' rights denial of the constitution he helped write, to Lionel Murphy's doctrine of the constitution being a living and breathing document that the judicature can breath life into - if the referendum process cannot.

We give the Judicial branch tenure with the goal of making them non-political positions, presumably populated by specialists. Yet most of the appointments are highly political and judges are more likely to be drawn from the political ranks than the heights of legal achievement.

This structure provides an entropy of growth that is incapable of contracting. The only possible outcomes are the stasis or expansion of constitutional law- not contraction.

Conclusion

Australia does have a Westminster tradition where constitutional law can be embodied across many acts and court decisions. This is an ineffective way to reign in expansive central government; a particular problem in federal systems where the central government will vie for tax and policy authority with the states.

Possible solutions;

• A tight and inflexible constitution at the federal level
• An energetic executive arm that can force bills to be tested by the judicial for constitutionality before they are signed into law (Think workchoices, if it is over-turned it will cause problems for employers having to return to the state systems. If there was doubt, it should have been tested before becoming law)
• A bicameral judicature with a lower jury chosen from the citizenry to actively review executive actions and legislative bills. (I know of one CFC entry being written with a highly innovative approach to the judicature!)
• Periodically rejuvenate the constitution to collapse it to a single bill/document (Canada and Queensland recently did this)

With globalisation moving activity from small arcane groups of the elite to the wider citizenry, the tight industrial structures are starting to collapse and fray under the pressure.

Westminster government is an industrial structure. It will have to introduce ratification, sortitionist and spontaneous citizen involvement in government itself. This is necessary just to remain relevant, let alone strengthening the civic, social, cultural and economic health of Australia.

One of the best examples of group wisdom is the economy. It is a highly decentralised structure. Mutual funds, index funds and spyders are examples of trader simplifying the system for citizens. Like any good market, the mountain came to Muhammad, and not the opposite.

Australian constitutional government will have to do the same, and come to its citizens.

The spate of recent polling seems to be settling into a pattern. Bryan Palmer writes, "This gives an average of 58.25 for Labor and 41.75 per cent for the Coalition." with the suggestion to plug them into his election calculator.

A uniform 11% swing means a world of hurt for the Liberal Party in the House of Representatives.

I hope that doesn't happen as I prefer all chambers of government to be permanently and constantly competitive. Unfortunately the slow cycles of change in government that happens in Westminster systems in Australia at the national and state level means that if Labor get in at the national they have every reason to expect they will hold government for at least nine years. Once a government gets in, it is rare that the next elections are competitive. Incumbent advantage counts.