Indonesia is slowly becoming an active member of the international community in a more international liberalist manner after the expansionist and isolationist years of Sukarno and Suharto. Indonesia has contributed to United Nation deployments in Congo, Cambodia and Senegal amongst others. Yudhoyono earned much of his public profile by commanding Indonesia's forces in Bosnia. A deployment to Lebanon poses many messy political issues for Indonesia but which will probably not deter the new Indonesian internationalist outlook.

Since Indonesia's conversion from autocratic dictatorship to liberal democracy it has viewed itself and its role on the international stage much differently. Sukarno and Suharto were first and foremost expansionists, nabbing East Timor and West Papua. They were also ruthless in how the integrated the military into the civil bureaucracy and maintenance of civil order.

Since Suharto was kicked out, the military's role in civil governance has also been eroded though there has been a recent resurgence in the TNI's political meddling with the West Papua issue and the return of Konfrontasi politics with Australia over the issue.

The establishment of liberal democracy has enabled Indonesia to revisit its view of itself and its role in the international community. For instance an editorial in the Jakarta Post argued for Indonesia to use its role as chair of the D8 to promote moderate Islam, democracy and trade ;

Through the D-8, Indonesia, as the new chair of the grouping, should not only promote trade among member countries, which in itself is a daunting task, but also promote the values of moderate Islam and democracy among other Muslim-majority countries, so that citizens of the world can see Islam in a different light. Only then will this grouping become relevant.

This is a drastic change from the Indonesia of the 1960s and 1970s. It is also a very positive view of Indonesia for Australia.

As the editorial shows, Indonesia sees itself as a positive force amongst Muslim countries in spreading liberal democracy and free trade. It makes rational and consistent sense that the Indonesian government sees itself taking a large role in any peace-keeping deployment to southern Lebanon.

However the politics of public opinion are somewhat messy. There are certainly Muslim groups in Indonesia who take a hard line against Israel and seek to promote Hezbollah and Hamas. I was surprised to see this paragraph in the article, Indonesia should think twice about Peacekeeping in Lebanon ;

It is rightfully consistent in its support for the Palestinian cause. Indonesia refuses to recognize Israel and regards the Jewish state as a flagrant entity with little respect for international institutions and the rights of Palestinians.

Hence by any measure Indonesia is not above the fray, politically or emotionally.

Despite the Indonesian Government's enthusiasm for the deployment, there are detractors in Indonesia, such as, Indonesians urged not to send men but to buy weapons for Hezbollah ;

"There is no need to send men there. I think we should donate more money to help Hezbollah and Hamas fighters buy more weapons," Indonesian Ulemas Council (MUI) chairman Din Syamsuddin told a gathering of religious leaders, according to the Jakarta Post.

"If needed I will personally hand over the weapons to them," he added.

Malaysia is facing similar inconsistencies in its political stance . While it is promising a couple of hundred troops for the deployment it wants other nations to break off relations with Israel.

I believe Indonesia is on the right path with its current policy despite the hard-line detractors such as Syamsuddin who are arguing the opposite. Indonesia is integrating itself into the political community as a productive and positive member, something that needs to be encouraged as the benefits will flow to our region as well.

Indonesia's growing view of itself as a positive force for moderate Islam, democracy and increased trade also bodes well for Indonesia, the South Pacific and our personal relationship with Indonesia.

Lebanon has a President that is elected by the Parliament. This is similar to one of the models proposed by Australian Republicans in 1999. Lebanon has a paralysed parliament and the Presidency's position has been vacant for two years now. The government recently nominated General Michel Suleiman, but this poses constitutional issues as he is not constitutionally eligible for the position. There will probably be more paralysis while the constitution is amended to allow a General to take the position.

The Lebanese constitution is a confessional one, where the bodies of government are gerry-mandered depending on religion. It is not a republican or liberal constitution for this reason. Article 24 contains the electorally confessional clauses:

(1) The Chamber of Deputies is composed of elected members; their number and the method of their election is determined by the electoral laws in effect. Until such time as the Chamber enacts new electoral laws on a non-confessional basis, the distribution of seats is according to the following principles:

a. Equal representation between Christians and Muslims.

b. Proportional representation among the confessional groups within each religious community.

c. Proportional representation among geographic regions.

(2) Exceptionally, and for one time only, the seats that are currently vacant, as well as the new seats that have been established by law, are to be filled by appointment, all at once, and by a majority of two thirds of the Government of National Unity. This is to establish equality between Christians and Muslims as stipulated in the Document of National Accord [The Taif Agreement]. The electoral laws will specify the details regarding the implementation of this clause.

The constitution describes the President's powers:

(1) The President of the Republic is the bead of the state and the symbol of the nation's unity. He shall safeguard the constitution and Lebanon's independence, unity, and territorial integrity. The President shall preside over the Supreme Defense Council and be the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces which fall under the authority of the Council of Ministers.

(2) The President of the Republic shall be elected by secret ballot and by a twothirds majority of the Chamber of Deputies. After a first ballot, an absolute majority shall be sufficient. The President's term is for six years. He may not be re-elected until six years after the expiration of his last mandate. No one may be elected to the Presidency of the Republic unless he fulfills the conditions of eligibility for the Chamber of Deputies.

(3) It is also not possible to elect judges, Grade One civil servants, or their equivalents in all public institutions to the Presidency during their term or office or within two years following the date of their resignation or their leaving office for whatever reason.

It is the final clause which disqualifies Suleiman. The Lebanese President is a bit stronger than a ceremonial President. The Lebanese President is guided by the Constitutional Council (Executive Council in the Australian Constitution) which is headed by the Prime Minister. But the President can actively take part in the negotiation of international treaties.

The Lebanese President has the power of veto, and also some emergency powers to expedite laws. The Prime Minister is explicitly mentioned in the Lebanese Constitution (the PM is not in the Australian Constitution) and the PM's powers layed out:

The Prime Minister is the Head of Government and its representative. He speaks in its name and is responsible for executing the general policy that is set by the Council of Ministers. He exercises the following powers:

1. He heads the Council of Ministers and is ex officio Deputy Head of the Supreme Defense Council.

2. He conducts the parliamentary consultations involved in forming a Cabinet. He signs, with the President, the Decree forming the Cabinet. The Cabinet must present its general statement or policy to the Chamber and gain its confidence within thirty days of the date of issuance of the Decree in which the Cabinet was formed. The Cabinet does not exercise its powers before it gains the Chamber's confidence nor after it has resigned or is considered resigned, except in the narrow sense

of managing affairs.

3. He presents the Government's general policy statements before the Chamber of Deputies.

4. He signs, along with the President, all decrees, except the Decree which designates him the head of the Government, and the Decree accepting the Cabinet's resignation or considering it resigned.

5. He signs the Decree calling for an extraordinary parliamentary session, decrees issuing laws, and requests for reviewing laws.

6. He calls the Council of Ministers into session and sets its agenda, and he informs the President and the Ministers beforehand of the subjects included on the agenda and of the urgent subjects that will be discussed.

7. He supervises the activities of the public administrations and institutions, coordinates among the Ministers and provides general guidance to ensure the proper progress of affairs.

8. He holds working meetings with the competent authorities in the Government in the presence of the concerned Minister.

Which leaves no doubt that it is the Prime Minister who embodies executive power.

Interesting article in the NYT on the Lebanese Diaspora coming home for christmas and challenging the political, military and economic paralysis of Lebanon. The article ends with:

These migrants supply Lebanon with about $1,400 per capita every year, Mr. Ghobril said -- one of the highest rates of remittances in the world. Those transfers are one of the pillars sustaining the consumer economy, he added, though they do not make up for the country's soaring public debt, the lack of long-term investment here, or the slow bleeding of the country's main natural resource - its people.

But there is another way of looking at it.

"Perhaps instead of talking about brain drain we should talk about brain globalization," Mr. Ghobril said with a mischievous grin. "The globalization of Lebanon."

Through history Diaspora's have put political and economic pressure on existing systems. Hopefully the Lebanese Diaspora, of which there is a large contingent in Australia, place similar pressure on the poor state of affairs in Lebanon.

Maybe Lebanon can return to being the Paris of the Middle East like it was prior to the civil wars of the 1980s and the consequent political, military, and violent unrest since.